Authors: Nino Apakidze and Eto Midelashvili
Husband: The previous government was more attentive.
Wife: This one is attentive too. I am very satisfied.
Husband: You may be, but tell me about others.
Wife: I don’t care about the others.
Husband: You’re satisfied with 300 GEL? I’m not satisfied with anything.
Wife: Shh… As long as this program continues, [I’ll be employed].
Husband: I’ll say this, let them be wherever they want, should I be scared?
Wife: Stop it. I am satisfied.
Husband: They can take away the 300 GEL if they want… They’re scaring people with 300 GEL, saying they’ll cut off the support.
We overheard this dialogue in the home of a socially vulnerable family in the highlands of Adjara on August 13. The couple, around 50 years old, has been receiving subsistence benefits for four years, and we were discussing their daily life and struggles. The wife told us that for the past three years, she has also been part of an employment program, working to clean the yard of a residential building for an additional 300 GEL. However, she admitted that even this was not enough for them.
The husband joined the conversation later and told us that during elections, they are often threatened with the removal of this assistance. He did not specify who exactly was making these threats. However, this conversation convinced us that the practice of intimidation, pressure, and blackmail against the socially vulnerable for votes is once again being used for the 2024 elections.
Since then, we visited three more regions of Georgia and spoke to over 50 socially vulnerable people about this issue. At their request, and to ensure their safety, all names in this article have been changed.
Socially vulnerable people are those living below the poverty line. The targeted social assistance program has been in place in Georgia since 2006. In 2022, the government launched an employment program for the socially vulnerable, under which they are often employed in made-up positions within government organizations or non-profits. Their salary is 300 GEL.
As of September, official data shows that 454,165 people across Georgia receive subsistence benefits. Under the state program for promoting public employment, 228,573 people are employed. The number of people receiving subsistence benefits fluctuates significantly, and, as observed by iFact this number tends to increase as elections approach.
For example, in January 2021, the number of subsistence benefit recipients was 532,242, but by October, it had risen to 633,586. That year, Georgia held municipal elections. In January 2020, the number of benefit recipients was 432,218, and as the elections approached, the number grew to 510,343 in October. While the increase in 2020 can likely be attributed to the pandemic, the same trend was observed during the elections of 2018, 2016, and 2012 as well.
How Elections Affect the Fears of the Socially Vulnerable
We began working on this article by traveling to Adjara. On the way to Shuakhevi, an 85-year-old man named Ilia (name changed) joined us, and we gave him a ride to the village of Chvana. It turned out that Ilia and his family are also socially vulnerable and have been receiving subsistence benefits for 3-4 years.
He told us that pre-election “preparations” had already begun in his village: “Government people were here. They said, ‘Give us your vote.’ They’re figuring out how many people support the Georgian Dream,” Ilia said.
He specified that Shuakhevi’s mayor, Omari Takidze, visited the village and threatened locals with cutting off their social assistance and pensions. According to Ilia, one of the deputy mayors was also present during this visit.
“They said they’d cut everything off. This year, they’re really scared, you understand? They’re more active because they know most people won’t vote for them. They’re going around telling people who to vote for. ‘We won’t send transport to your village anymore,’ they say. There were also people from the village administration. They go everywhere, warning people,” Ilia told us.
We contacted Omari Takidze. Initially, he told us that he was driving and couldn’t speak at the moment. However, when we called him back later, he stopped answering our calls altogether. He later sent us a message stating that the information we have does not correspond to the truth.
“It’s always been like this; everyone fights for their interests,” added Ilia, recalling how local officials did the same thing during the previous government.
We heard of a similar situation in the settlement of Salibauri in Khelvachauri. Many socially vulnerable families and eco-migrants live in dilapidated apartment buildings there. Their main fear is tied to the condition of the building. Residents say the walls are unstable, water leaks into the apartments during rain, and stones fall from the structure periodically.
However, Marina (name changed), a socially vulnerable resident of Salibauri who has lived in the crumbling building for 20 years, spoke of other fears as well. She was joined in the courtyard by 4-5 people, who participated in the discussion. None of them expressed disagreement with Marina.
“They come during elections, threatening to cut off [our subsistence benefits]. Last year, I didn’t vote for anyone, to be honest, because I knew they [Georgian Dream] would win anyway. And they scare us like that, promising onions, but we don’t fall for it. Some of us are in real need. What good are two kilos of onions or one bag? But still, Ivanishvili gets what he wants.”
Unlike Ilia, Marina didn’t know who specifically was threatening them with cutting off social assistance before the elections. She said that 2 to 3 unidentified men, whose identities they couldn’t determine, were in Salibauri in early August.
“They send people, bearded guys. I don’t know their names, I don’t know anything. You wouldn’t recognize them, and they wouldn’t tell you their names… They were telling us, ‘You must vote for Ivanishvili.’ They said it’s pointless to vote for anyone else because in the end, he’ll win, and then he won’t take care of you. We don’t want that, the people said. They were scaring us, not promising anything specific,” Marina recalls.
She also remembered that socially vulnerable people had been threatened with this demand before: “They came before, but now they’re more frequent. Some people even walk around with their faces covered. They used to come secretly, but now they come openly, without fear.”
Marina suspects that such visits will increase as elections draw closer because the government needs to scare the population “to line their own pockets and enrich their superiors.”
After Adjara, we visited the Dusheti municipality. Our first stop was a settlement near Lake Bazaleti, where many displaced and socially vulnerable people live. The first person we met in the courtyard was Archil Zhuzhniashvili, a resident who lives there with seven family members and receives subsistence benefits. Later in the conversation, he revealed that he works as an assistant to the mayor’s representative in Bazaleti, so he is well-acquainted with the people in the building and their attitudes.
“There are 140 families in this building. Around 500 people live here. Four or five families support the United National Movement, and one is uncertain. The rest support this government. I’ve been working here ever since the government changed. I know each person well, and they respect me. They tell me they’ll do whatever I say,” Zhuzhniashvili told us, insisting that elections are conducted fairly.
“We employed 10 people through the [socially vulnerable employment] program. Women clean the yard… I do what I can for the people. Sometimes I might bend the law a little, but it’s acceptable to help those in need… The mayor’s office also told me to help them with food. It’s not much, but we help with food supplies too,” Archil added.
In the same settlement, we met someone whose subsistence benefits had been cut off, preventing them from participating in the employment program.
“The employment program was created for the elections. If it were a real job, I could sweep the yard just as well as anyone else. It’s always their people who get hired,” said Mzia (name changed), who we interviewed in her home.
Her family was displaced from South Ossetia. About two years ago, their social assistance was cut off after their assessment score exceeded the poverty threshold. We asked her about the mood in the settlement and the electoral situation. “The situation is terrible. [Archil] has the people under his control… They throw a few pennies at them and give some assistance. But if you stand up for the truth, everything is shut off for you. They’ve always called me a supporter of the United National Movement. I’m just someone who speaks the truth. Neither the National Movement nor the Georgian Dream has done anything for me. Who can I rely on?” Mzia told us.
In Dusheti, according to official data, 26,900 people reside, and 16% of them receive subsistence benefits. As of 2023, 4,341 socially vulnerable individuals lived in Dusheti. This statistic led us to visit the area to hear the locals’ opinions.
We met socially vulnerable people in a building located in the center of Dusheti, where the district election commission and the water supply service are housed. Several families, including socially vulnerable ones, have been living in this building for years, awaiting the legalization of their occupied rooms, but to no avail.
Shorena (name changed) has been living in this building with her family for 15 years. Her underage child receives subsistence benefits. “I have a lot to say, but I won’t say everything. I hold back for some reasons… During elections, they promise us things, and then the next election comes, and everything remains the same,” she told us.
In Dusheti, we also met someone employed in the cleaning service, who spoke to us about pre-election pressure:
“The government fuels fears among the people. [They tell socially vulnerable individuals] that their assistance will be cut off… They threaten us too, where I work. They say, ‘Stay quiet. If you don’t vote for us, you’ll lose your job.’ Before the elections, they go door-to-door. When I went to the cinema building [to a meeting with Georgian Dream supporters], the guys there told me I would lose my job. One guy is a member of the party, a coordinator for Georgian Dream—I don’t know his name. They pressured me, saying, ‘We’ll take you there and you’ll vote.’” Our respondents, who did not want to reveal their identity, recalled that they had been threatened with job loss before, during forced participation in Georgian Dream’s rallies and concerts.
After Dusheti, we visited five villages in the municipality, where the population, especially those living below the poverty line, is more vulnerable. The fears of the residents are best understood by their neighbors.
“They’re scared to say anything that might cause them trouble here later or lead to the loss of their social benefits. They look you in the eye, but they won’t tell you anything. [They wait] for you to say something so they can give an appropriate answer. The state has already subjugated them. How does the state keep them? Right on the verge of starvation, so they can be controlled. They need these people to use them during the electoral process. I’ve heard indirectly that an official comes to meet with socially vulnerable people. Even if they don’t say anything, these vulnerable people are already in a panic and will do anything—not just attend rallies. That’s the mood everywhere, especially in the villages,” said Gela Gvritishvili (real name), a resident of the village of Sakramulo. He also introduced us to a neighboring family whose subsistence benefits had already been cut off.
“These people investigate things and ask questions. Don’t be afraid, just say what you want, think it over,” Gela said as he introduced us to his neighbor. “What did you tell them?” the neighbor asked, refraining from speaking to us further, as they were hoping to have their benefits reinstated.
On October 8, we also visited villages in Marneuli Municipality. “Those who work for Georgian Dream scare people by saying their assistance might be cut off. These people do this every year, and it affects the elections. When you tell socially vulnerable individuals to vote for the opposition, they reply, ‘No, I receive assistance, I can’t do that, they’ll cut it off,’” a resident of Ulashlo told us. Although this individual does not receive subsistence benefits, they also requested anonymity—a request that’s easy to understand.
We also spoke to residents of the village of Akhmedlo about cases of intimidation toward the socially vulnerable. “They scare us with all kinds of things, saying they’ll cut off our assistance. That’s what they tell the socially vulnerable. Very few people get help, and those who need it don’t receive it. Once someone starts receiving benefits, they don’t speak about anything. It’s the representatives of 41 [Georgian Dream] who do this. Coordinators, campaign managers. I can’t tell you their names,” said locals in the village center. They added that, so far, officials are still speaking kindly to the people, but door-to-door visits and intimidation would begin in the final days before the election.
In the village of Naraphlo, we met socially vulnerable individuals who recalled incidents during the 2020 elections. “First, representatives of the United National Movement came to us and had us sign their list, then later Georgian Dream came.”
“In 2020, they came and told us that if we voted for number 5 [UNM], they would cut off our assistance… Regular people came, village folks. They weren’t in any official positions. I don’t know who was behind them, how would I know… There was one guy from Naraphlo who came… He said if you vote for number 5, they’ll stop your assistance. We were scared,” Nargila (name changed) told us.
“They haven’t come yet this year. But they’ll probably come again… In 2020, we didn’t even know what list we were signing. We’re uneducated people, we don’t understand anything. We thought, ‘Well, everyone’s signing, so we should sign too.’ They came about a week before the elections. When they threatened to cut off our benefits, we got scared,” said Nazila (name changed), who has been receiving subsistence benefits for seven years.
Fear and Poverty: The Government’s Key Allies
The “Social Justice Center” is an NGO that conducts in-depth research on human rights, social issues, and challenges, while also helping people raise awareness about their rights. Mariam Janiashvili, a researcher at the organization, spoke to us about the exploitation of socially vulnerable groups and people living below the poverty line during election processes. According to her, in Georgia, social policy and social rights are not perceived as rights, but rather as a favor from the ruling party.
“People look to election years with special hopes. They are extremely vulnerable, and for them, the granting or cancellation of any assistance is a matter of life and death,” Janiashvili told us.
Irma Pavliashvili has been observing pre-election campaigns and election-day activities since 2006. Her organization, “Open Space Caucasus,” is again engaged in election monitoring this year. Irma has repeatedly documented cases where social assistance is used as a tool in the electoral context.
“We’ve seen threats, blackmail, and ‘friendly advice’ in many elections, where the freedom to express one’s will was undermined or voters were pushed to support a specific subject. Often, either party coordinators or relevant officials used this mechanism. We not only monitor the election environment but also conduct focus groups as part of our research to understand the challenges voters face. People share confidential information with us, saying that even now, they are being given ‘friendly advice’ to vote for a specific candidate or to refrain from expressing critical opinions.”
Manipulating people by threatening to cut off their social benefits is not a new tactic thought up by the Georgian Dream. Socially vulnerable individuals have told us in interviews that they were similarly threatened with this program during previous election periods. Zurab Chiaberashvili, who was the Minister of Health in 2012, confirmed in a phone conversation that similar accusations were made against their government as well.
“That accusation has always been made, regardless of who was in power. Trust in this program has always been questioned. If you look at Dimitri Khundadze’s statements, even after Georgian Dream came to power, he kept saying, ‘The Nationals used this for political purposes, but we’re the good ones, we don’t.’ But the previous government has aged out, and now this government is dealing with the same accusations. So the issue here is systemic,” Chiaberashvili told us.
Vato Surguladze, who is now in the opposition, served as the head of the Health and Social Programs Agency from 2007 to 2010 and knows well how the system works. “The Social Agency can come at any time, check a family’s financial situation, and for various reasons, suspend or cut off their assistance,” Surguladze told us during an interview.
According to him, in villages, pressure on the socially vulnerable is often applied by local officials: “The mayor’s representative knows everything and practically acts like a small dictator. He knows exactly who supports the opposition or the current government. Lists are made—this one is with us, this one isn’t—and those who aren’t with us will be pressured with threats like, ‘We’ll cut off your benefits.’ It’s a very simple mechanism, but it works,” Surguladze explained.
Vaja Darchia, a representative of the “Lelo” party in the Batumi City Council, shared a similar view: “Every municipality has its mayor’s representative. They know who is socially vulnerable in their district, and during the election period, they go to them saying, ‘You don’t want your assistance cut off now, do you? Give me your vote.’ And this whole machine, with its coordination database and hierarchy, is fully engaged in this.”
This scheme seems to be universal. An 85-year-old man named Ilia in Shuakhevi and a 67-year-old woman named Natela (name changed) in Kharagauli tell us the same thing. Natela lives with her husband, child, and grandchildren in the village of Leghvani. All of them receive subsistence benefits.
We were in Kharagauli on October 17. Natela and her daughter told us that a few days earlier, a municipal employee from Kharagauli, Tea Beridze, had visited them. According to Kharagauli Municipality’s website, she is the head of the Department for Child Protection and Support.
“She said if we vote for another party, they’ll cut off our benefits. I’m scared they might… ‘If you vote for 41 [Georgian Dream], we’ll help you with everything, stand by you, and get everything done for you,’ she said. ‘We help the poor… Ivanishvili built everything up, and Saakashvili ruined it all… I rely on that pension and assistance. If they stop it, I’ve got so many debts [from installments and loans]. How would I pay them off? What good is one pension? I get my pension on the first [of the month], and I’ve got debts to pay off, so I buy flour and food for the kids. The kids say, ‘Grandma, we’re hungry, we’re hungry.’ What am I supposed to feed them?” Natela told us, adding that after the elections, it will become clear what will happen, but by then, no one will be around to help.
“They said, ‘Vote for us if you vote for someone else, we’ll cut off your assistance.’ Does Georgian Dream give me that money? 41 is at the bottom of the ballot, Tea told us. 41 is for Russia, and they’re leading people there, but what do we need from Russia? They won’t know who I vote for… When the election is over, you’ll see who will help you,” her son, Temuri (name changed), added, noting that even supporters of the ruling party in their village threaten them with cutting off their assistance.
According to Geostat, Kharagauli has a population of 17,900, of which 4,260 receive subsistence benefits, representing 24% of the population.
Maka (name changed), who lives in Leghvani, confirmed the same. She works as a cleaner through the Socially Vulnerable Employment Program and told us that she too is being threatened with losing her job.
“Our Mayor’s Representative Gela Maghradze [Kharagauli Mayor’s Representative in Leghvani] meets with people and threatens them with losing their jobs. My family is under intense pressure… Gela would always intimidate us, glaring at everyone, saying, ‘Don’t say a word,” says Maka (name changed).
According to her, for the past three weeks, local government representatives have been calling her and other employed individuals in Leghvani to general meetings. The process is reportedly organized by Kharagauli’s Deputy Mayor, Varlam Chipashvili, who assigns the task to the head of the social employment program, Davit Katsitadze.
“Representatives come from the district, summoning us as if to sign something, and they go around from Kharagauli. Personally, Varlam Chipashvili, the deputy mayor, intimidates people. He’s come twice, telling us, ‘You know we’ve employed you, so don’t start wandering around anywhere else. You must vote for number 41, or you’ll lose your jobs.’ Later, Koba Lursmanashvili came and repeated the same thing, promising, ‘We’ll help you with everything.’ One person stood up and said, ‘In my area, I wear boots all year round because of the mud. I’ve written so many requests, and no one has done anything about the road.’ Koba Lursmanashvili promised to personally fix the road, but so far, nothing has been done. They haven’t promised us anything else, just threats that they’ll fire us if we don’t comply. There’s no discussion, only intimidation,” Maka told us.
We also asked Maka about what happened during previous elections. She confirmed that similar incidents had occurred both during the previous elections and under the previous government: “This kind of thing has always happened. Even during the last elections, there was pressure on my family and others here. There were also offers of money. We saw with our own eyes that people were selling their votes to Georgian Dream for 20-50 GEL. I know everything that happens in my village like the back of my hand. But now, they’re going door-to-door, asking how many people are in each family, telling them they have to vote for us. It wasn’t like this before. Since they started the employment programs, they’ve been doing this. The program was designed exactly for that—getting votes from socially vulnerable people employed in the program,” Maka explained.
In response, iFact reached out to Gela Maghradze, Davit Katsitadze, and Varlam Chipashvili. The deputy mayor, Varlam Chipashvili, declined to comment. Gela Maghradze denied any meetings had taken place, stating, “There was no meeting, and the deputy mayor hasn’t met with the villagers. I’m a religious man, and no one is threatening the socially vulnerable,” he said, adding, “Bring me the people who gave you this information, and I’ll answer them.” After speaking with Maghradze, we called Katsitadze, who was likely speaking with Maghradze at the time since his line was busy. Later, Katsitadze called us back and denied that anyone was threatening the socially vulnerable but confirmed that the meeting did happen, and both the deputy mayor and Gela Maghradze were present. You can draw your conclusions.
A resident of the village of Tskalaforeti in Kharagauli, who asked not to be named in the article, also linked the employment program for the socially vulnerable to the elections.
“[The socially vulnerable] have been prepped, and they won’t rebel. It’s easy to intimidate them. In our village, around 80 people are employed, even though the entire village would only need 10 people to cut the bushes. There’s nothing else for them to do. The point of the employment program was to mobilize people, and it worked. They employ them, give them 300 GEL, dead money. This was all pre-election planning. This was calculated by Gharibashvili. It’s working to secure votes, nothing else.”
While working on this article, we also visited Rustavi. In Old Rustavi, six homeless families live in a building that has no roof. Among them are socially vulnerable individuals and war veterans. No one here expects their housing situation to be legalized; they are only asking for gas and water connections. All the families share one meter, and they take turns using the heating in winter.
“Can a normal person live here? (By normal, I mean someone who owns a home). We’re normal too, but who would live here if they had a house?” says a man whose home still lacks a roof.
Socially vulnerable people here are also afraid to talk about their problems.
“If I give you an interview, imagine what will happen. I don’t know who will be left standing. Let’s wait for the elections. What’s the point of media coverage? It will only create anger. They’ll use it against us,” residents tell us.
Politicians rarely show up in this settlement, even during elections. “No one has come here, because there aren’t enough people. Only 5-6 families live here, it’s not worth it. What would they tell us if they came? […] If you write about it, then the other parties will come, saying, ‘Look how they’re treating people.’ But we can’t talk about our problems here. You don’t know who will be in power tomorrow. Our people are emotional. If you vote for someone else, they’ll say, ‘I won’t help you anymore.’ It’s absurd,” Shota (name changed) told us.
iFact Experiment
Among the most vulnerable in the ranks of the socially disadvantaged are those employed through government employment programs. These programs were launched in 2022, and by 2023, 139,000 people were employed. This year, the number has risen to 228,573. Interviews we conducted confirm that in various regions, cities, and villages, these individuals are either directly threatened with losing their 300-GEL jobs or given subtle hints. Typically, it’s the mayor’s representatives or coordinators of the ruling party who approach these individuals in the villages to discuss such matters.
If we had called the mayor’s representatives as journalists, they would likely have denied these claims. Therefore, we decided to experiment.
We introduced ourselves to the mayor’s representatives in villages as staff members of the “Georgian Dream” campaign office and inquired about the atmosphere in their villages. We spoke to 17 mayor’s representatives in Mtskheta-Mtianeti, Adjara, Imereti, and Kvemo Kartli. When we asked how interactions with the socially vulnerable were going in the lead-up to the elections, here’s what we heard:
Avto Chincharauli, mayor’s representative in the Lapanaantkari administrative unit of Dusheti municipality, said: “I’ve visited both the socially vulnerable and others. In my 13 villages, around 50 people are employed through the [socially vulnerable employment] program. Let’s not discuss this over the phone. What I’ve said or not said, I’ve gone door-to-door myself. Except for a few exceptions who aren’t my people and I don’t care about, whether they’re here or not. With those I work with, [socially vulnerable], nothing has been cut off—in fact, I’ve signed them up for more.”
Lado Chincharauli, the mayor’s representative in the Bazaleti municipality, shared a similar approach: “I took a leave specifically to focus on this in the last 10 days… Threatening with removal [from the program] would be the wrong approach. We have other types of communication with these people, and dozens of them are employed.”
Taso Papukashvili, the mayor’s representative from Gremiskhevi, expressed a similar sentiment: “The socially vulnerable are employed, and we know how to approach them. Everything is in order.” When we asked if they had mentioned to them that their employment status could change, Papukashvili said: “Yes, they know. We don’t want to say it outright, but we handle everything tactfully.”
Avto Tabukashvili, mayor’s representative in the Fartskhnali administrative unit, said that the socially vulnerable were well-informed: “We have a normal approach; everything has been explained to them. They know what to do and how to do it.” Tabukashvili also noted that he visits every household to ensure they follow through: “Coordinators are reliable people, but I still don’t fully trust them, so I go to every household myself. You’re employed, so you have to do what’s required.”
Tamaz Katamadze, an assistant to the mayor’s representative in Barateuli, believes the pre-election preparation is going well in Shuakhevi too:
Journalist: Do they know that if they don’t vote for the Georgian Dream, they could lose these benefits?
Mayor’s representative: Yes, of course. Up to 90-100 people will show up here, and at least 65% of them need to be [Georgian Dream supporters]. I tell them, ‘Take care of your own business so you don’t have problems later.’ I don’t have anyone who needs to be scared.”
Bakhtiyar Gurianov, mayor’s representative in the Kutliari administrative unit in Marneuli, added: “We’re preparing, and we’ll see what the results are. Everything is in order. Social assistance recipients are also on the list, and our agitators are talking to everyone.”
Gurgen Peranidze, mayor’s representative in the village of Dilikauri in Zestafoni, confirmed that the socially vulnerable were being threatened with losing their benefits: “We’re not leaving any place or district untouched.”
Journalist: You have active communication with the socially vulnerable and those employed through the program, right?
Mayor’s representative: Of course. I have lists. I need to bring in everyone, not just the employees but their family members as well. All public officials and those employed by different parties will come and vote with their families.
Journalist: Are you warning the socially vulnerable that if they don’t vote for 41, their assistance will be cut off?
Mayor’s representative: Of course. We held a mock election and brought everyone in. We showed them how to do it. If someone is restricted, their family members will come in and vote. There’s no problem. Almost everyone understands this now—our people and I won’t teach the supporters of UNM how to mark their ballots. If they make a mistake, it’s better for me.”
What is the Social Service Agency doing to prevent intimidation, or what did it do in previous years? We wanted to ask the agency’s representative this and other questions. However, the agency’s press office stated that they had no such information and had never registered any such case.
Press office: “This is the first time I’ve heard that a citizen receiving social assistance is being threatened with suspension. What legitimacy would someone have to threaten with cutting off assistance? I don’t know what kind of interview you’re asking for. I just don’t get it.”
Journalist: “Perhaps another employee at the agency has heard of similar cases?”
Press office: “Are you telling me that we know someone is threatening to cut off assistance, and we’ve done nothing about it and just want to record an interview?”
Journalist: “You’re saying you have no information on such cases and have never registered any?”
Press office: “Of course. We’ve never had a citizen report such a case or received any written complaints about someone being blackmailed. I don’t know what to say. This is the first I’ve heard of it… We maintain confidentiality, and citizens can approach us freely, just as they came to you.”
What Should the Social Assistance Program Serve?
The social assistance program for the socially vulnerable is one of the key mechanisms for reducing poverty in Georgia. iFact spoke with Levan Antadze, who served as the Minister of Labor, Health, and Social Protection of Adjara from 2008 to 2012. During his early years in office, the social assistance program was newly launched. Antadze believes that the program was initially beneficial and brought some positive outcomes.
“But after 16-17 years, not much has changed in terms of evaluation within the system. Many things have changed—social conditions have evolved to some extent—so it’s not appropriate to still rely on the standards from 2006,” Antadze said.
Mariam Janiashvili, a researcher at the Social Justice Center, explained that the program was originally designed to ensure the basic survival of people living in extreme poverty. However, she believes the current social protection policy is fragmented and does not adequately address the needs of the population. It often leaves extremely impoverished individuals without assistance.
“Over the years, the program has expanded, and the number of beneficiaries has grown. The content of the program has changed, and to some extent, the assessment policy has changed, but the core principles [scoring system] that the program relies on remain unchanged,” Janiashvili noted.
She is particularly concerned about the growing number of people dependent on social assistance and the degree of reliance on the system: “More than 18% of the population is now receiving subsistence assistance. Thousands of people have been receiving it for 15-16 years.”
Janiashvili believes that a unified social protection system focused on poverty prevention is necessary. “We need significant improvements in municipal programs, not just one-time payments. The current system doesn’t address people’s needs until they fall into extreme poverty,” she emphasized.
She also pointed out that social policy should be predictable and declared in advance: “There shouldn’t be questions about whether the program might be stopped or replaced with something new. Healthy social policy cannot be based on such unpredictability. Citizens should know what the current situation is and where we are heading, so these programs aren’t used as a surprise tool.”
Irma Pavliashvili, director of Open Space Caucasus, believes the state should have programs that help socially vulnerable individuals acquire skills and professions. “In reality, the policy should serve the purpose of enabling people, after taking certain steps, to no longer need state assistance and to create independent financial stability,” she said.
Former Minister of Health Zurab Chiaberashvili also considers the targeted social assistance program one of the most important mechanisms for reducing poverty. However, he notes that the program is susceptible to manipulation and electoral misuse. To avoid this, Chiaberashvili suggests that trust in the agency overseeing the program needs to be strengthened, and there should be a monitoring mechanism. He proposes a board that includes representatives from NGOs working in the field. This board would have continuous access to technical details, making the program more transparent.
“There should be a system where the agency is trusted, particularly during election periods, so that its integrity is not questioned during elections. If there’s no general trust in the institution, you can’t fix that three months before an election. Ultimately, the solution to all these problems is maximum transparency. If we open up this information to the public, the priority is to launch a campaign on how the assistance is granted. Sometimes accusations arise regarding the approval or denial of assistance, and often these are based more on a lack of information or misunderstanding of the system rather than on subjective factors,” Chiaberashvili explained. He added that the problems being discussed would persist even if the government changes unless efforts are made to increase awareness.
We also wanted to hear from the Social Service Agency on how they see the future of the program and what changes they plan to address the existing challenges. However, they declined to participate in an in-depth interview.
